Richard Herland (1935-2023)

WELCOME TO "TROTSKY RELOADED"

In an era rich in memories, where the past intertwines with the present in increasingly dramatic ways, "Trotsky Reloaded" offers a bold and secular perspective on a century of epic changes and unresolved conflicts. This book is not merely a historical narrative; it is an invitation to look beyond conventions, to question established "truths," and to rediscover the profound forces that have shaped our world.

The title itself, "Trotsky Reloaded," suggests a return to key figures and concepts with a new lens, promising to uncover aspects often overlooked or deliberately distorted by history. 

It is not just about Leon Trotsky, whose life and thought, from his early vision of centralism to his influence in the 1905 Soviet and his theory of "permanent revolution," are re-examined. 

Rather, it's about using these personal histories as windows onto broader phenomena.

My objective, as the author, is to provide an objective history that does not embrace the notion of "chosen" or "elected" peoples and does not accept the premise that any group has an inalienable right to a portion of land. This principle applies to all, without exception. 

Building on this foundation, the book seeks to disentangle complex issues such as the Jewish question, dual loyalty, and the intellectual weight of Israeli politics from accusations of antisemitism.

Through meticulous research and critical analysis, "Trotsky Reloaded" challenges the "common knowledge" and "apparent truth" that often permeate historical accounts. I explore how seemingly distinct events, such as the echoes of the 1905 Russian Revolution in Vienna, are in fact deeply interconnected, revealing a "behind-the-scenes" narrative that conventional accounts often ignore.

The volume delves into the lives of central figures like Trotsky, Lenin, and Hitler, examining how their ideologies and actions – from the debate on party centralization between Trotsky and Lenin (implied by their relationship in sources like) to the controversies surrounding Hitler's military career and his views on antisemitism – were not solely the result of individual genius or madness, but also a response to and cause of broader social and political dynamics. 

I focus on the evolution of radical and philosophical ideas, drawing from the intellectual currents that animated figures like the Young Hegelians, Marx, and Feuerbach.

"Trotsky Reloaded" aims to answer fundamental questions about the origins of the world wars, the "Jewish Question", and the complex interplay between nationalism, ideology, and power. 

It is a history that seeks to illuminate why European Jews, after 1945, felt they could not find security outside of their own state, and how this perception shaped the course of global events.

This book is an intellectual journey, an attempt to offer details, explanations, and insights that go beyond mere summary, drawing on a vast body of sources, including previously unpublished archival material, to "revitalize the attitude and mentality of statesmen and nations". 

I invite you to explore these pages with an open mind, as the work is designed to "enhance your understanding of the sources and their key concepts".

THE BOOK IN SHORT

• 20 years of researches and work
• thousands of hours of conversations, suggestions and ideas with many intellectual friends and in particular David Fromkin and Sir Tom Arnold
• speaking seven languages he was able to read many books in the original language
• he has frequented hundreds of libraries around the world
• 466 books used as sources
• 6,000 pages of notes
• 1,000 pages of summaries

TROTSKY RELOADED: A HISTORY OF JEWISH FINANCE AND POLITICS FROM THE ANCIEN REGIME TO EXILE

I. Introduction and historiographical methodology

This study is based on an exhaustive and detailed analysis of Trotsky Reloaded: A History of Jewish Finance and Politics. This ambitious project aims to trace the intricate intersections between Jewish finance, politics, and revolutionary movements in Europe from 1654 to the beginning of the 21st century.

Purpose and Context of the Work

The original manuscript was presented as an 'incomplete' and evolving work, described as a collection of 'sketches, fragments, and drafts for future works'. This methodology reflected the author's deep awareness of the inherently open-ended and 'fragmentary' nature of historical investigations of this scope, and their decision to 'mechanically interrupt' the work at a certain point. The title itself, 'Reloaded', emphasises a revisionist historiographical objective aimed at correcting the historical perception of Lev Trotsky (Lev Davidovich Bronstein). 

Trotsky has often been neglected or overshadowed by other historians, who have retroactively projected Vladimir Lenin's aura as supreme leader from October 1917 onwards. Instead, the study aims to meticulously reconstruct Trotsky's career, concluding that his influence and actions in October predominated over those of Lenin, whose prestige was retroactively exalted (including by Trotsky himself after Lenin's death and later by Stalin).

Challenges and Principles of Historiography

The investigation is not limited to historical narration, but also offers an explicit reflection on historiography itself. The analysis openly discusses the difficulties inherent in historical research, including the need to manage vast quantities of primary sources (e.g. newspapers, memoirs and archival documents) and the perennial challenge of achieving objectivity.

The importance of context when reading historical documents is emphasised, as it is easy to misinterpret documents or extrapolate them out of context. Such methodological caution is particularly relevant when analysing phenomena with moral and conspiratorial implications, such as anti-Semitism. This suggests the need to distinguish between historical facts and distorted perceptions that have shaped political reality. Historiographical examination also questions the nature of 'historical truth' and the existence of 'genres of history that carry a strong moral charge', citing feminist history and the history of the Holocaust as examples.

II. The Jewish Question: From the Ancien Régime to Emancipation (1654–1878)

The analysis begins by tracing the socio-political and economic evolution of Jewish communities in Europe from the 17th century onwards.

The Crisis of the 17th century and Demographic Shifts

The 17th century was marked by catastrophic events that reshaped Jewish demographics. 

The impact of the Thirty Years' War and the Chmielnicki Uprising drove large numbers of Jews to migrate westward. These communities settled in devastated regions such as Alsace and Lorraine, and their contribution to repopulation and economic recovery was crucial in these areas. 

In the context of the Polish-Lithuanian Confederation, the Jewish arendator, the Jewish manager of land holdings on behalf of magnates, came to symbolise economic exploitation, attracting severe retaliation and resentment.

Financial Rise and Economic Role

A central theme of the work is the analysis of the role of Jews in finance and business. The investigation begins with the 'court bankers' of the 17th and 18th centuries — essential figures such as Samuel Oppenheimer — who were instrumental in financing armies and organising supplies. They played a decisive role in saving Vienna from the Turkish siege and consolidating the Habsburg Empire, for example.

In the 19th century, these financiers became pivotal in the modernisation of Europe. Families such as the Rothschilds, as well as entrepreneurs like Bethel Henry Strousberg (a Prussian Jew who became known as the 'railway king' of Germany), pioneered the financing and construction of railway networks. They innovated the financial system by creating new stock markets and using credit.

The analysis also highlights the rise of American finance families such as the Seligmans, Lehmans and Goldmans, many of which were founded by German Jewish immigrants in the 19th century. This visibility, coupled with the perceived Jewish dominance in specific economic sectors such as the grain trade in Odessa in the late 19th and early 20th centuries (where Jewish firms controlled almost 90% of exports), fuelled resentment and accusations of excessive wealth and influence.

Werner Sombart also theorised about Jewish influence on modern capitalism, linking Puritanism to capitalism and attributing a central influence to Judaism in the transition to capitalism. 

He emphasised 'cold piety' and the 'profit and loss relationship with the Deity' as distinctive traits that favoured financial and commercial innovation. 

Emancipation as a 'Social Experiment'

Jewish emancipation is presented as a 'social experiment' with divergent outcomes. In the United States (1776), Jews quickly achieved equal rights, 'swept away' by constitutional guarantees of religious freedom, with no particular lobbying efforts necessary.

In France (1789), however, the process was more complex and 'halting', hindered by the long-standing accusation that Jewish moneylenders exploited Christians. Despite this, French Jews were the first in Europe to enjoy full rights. Around 75% of the 40,000 French Jews at the time lived in Alsace-Lorraine, and their 'separate culture' made them a point of contention. 

The debate over their 'regeneration' or 'improvement', predating the term 'emancipation' itself (which only came into use in 1828), highlights the mistrust and expectations placed upon them. Napoleon Bonaparte attempted to integrate Jews by freeing them from the ghettos and abolishing the obligation to wear the Star of David in many cities. He also convened the Grand Sanhedrin in 1807 to consolidate the recognition of Judaism in France. However, after his defeat in 1815, the Congress of Vienna partially reversed the acquired rights in some areas. 

Emancipation acted as a catalyst for reaction: while the ghetto system was a mechanism of external control, it was also an internal necessity for preserving Jewish religious identity. 

When emancipation removed physical barriers, the identity was maintained, especially in contrast to the Orthodoxy of the Ostjuden (often viewed by Western Jews as 'obscurantist' and 'anachronistic') and the Jewish Enlightenment (Haskalah) encountered a society that was unwilling to fully accept them. This phenomenon is known as the 'jack-in-the-box effect'.

The 'jack-in-the-box effect' of emancipation revealed the nature of the 'religion of oppression, obsession and compression', leading to a violent reaction against perceived Jewish visibility and influence.

Tsarist Policies and the Zone of Residence

The partitions of Poland (in 1772, 1793 and 1795) were pivotal, as they redistributed the sizeable Jewish population among the Austrian, Prussian and Russian empires, placing the majority of European Jews under Tsarist rule.

In Russia, Jews were confined to the Pale of Settlement. Although this vast area was restrictive, it offered better conditions than serfdom in some respects. The Tsarist regime oscillated between forced assimilation and repression. While Alexander I's 1804 Decree granted access to education and the possibility of owning land, it also imposed severe restrictions on alcohol trade and residence in the countryside. The reign of Nicholas I (1825–1855) was characterised by repressive policies, including long-term compulsory military conscription (the cantonist system), which aimed to force assimilation by destroying Jewish community institutions (kahal).

Despite these difficulties, the analysis notes that the Russian Jewish population continued to grow and that the economy prospered in some regions. The case of Moshko Blank, Lenin's great-grandfather, who converted to Christianity to free himself from what he considered 'fanaticism and obscurantism', illustrates the complexities and tensions within Russian Jewish identity.

The Genesis of Racial and Conspiratorial Anti-Semitism

The evolution of anti-Semitism is examined by distinguishing between its oldest forms, which were based on religious and economic prejudices (such as Maria Theresa of Austria's view in 1777 that Jews were a 'plague on the state' because of usury), and modern forms, which are based on racial concepts and emerged in reaction to emancipation and the perceived success and power of Jews.

In Europe, particularly after the 1873 stock market crash, Jews were increasingly associated with 'large-scale financial manipulation'. The Austrian press, which was dominated by Jewish journalists who promoted liberal ideas, was seen as a cause for concern by non-Jews because it concealed significant influence over financial and economic corporations. Theories such as those of Theodor Adorno and Max Horkheimer define anti-Semitism as a 'conspiracy theory' and a 'false projection'.

Karl Marx and the Ideological Break

Karl Marx, who was of converted Jewish origin, contributed to a complex debate. His youth was marked by militancy within the circle of the Young Hegelians (including Bruno Bauer and Ludwig Feuerbach), followed by an ideological break with them. 

This break focused particularly on the 'Jewish question' and the concept of political and human emancipation. Marx criticised 'Judaism' as a metaphor for the greed and 'black market' of bourgeois society. Although this criticism was intended as a social analysis, distinguishing his 'real humanism' from Bauer's speculative idealism, it unwittingly provided ideological fuel for anti-Semitism.

III. The Birth of the Revolutionary and the Genesis of War (1879–1904)

The period following the birth of Lev Davidovich Bronstein (Trotsky) in 1879 was marked by a rapid acceleration in technological, political, and social change, paving the way for the Russian Revolution and global conflict.

The European Context of Trotsky's Birth

The era in which Trotsky was born was characterised by incredible technological progress, from the steam locomotive to the first flying machines. This was accompanied by the development of increasingly lethal military technologies, such as rifles and machine guns, which would make 20th-century conflicts incomparably more devastating. 

In Germany, post-war economic modernisation was accelerated, with Jews such as the Rothschilds and the Strousbergs playing a crucial role in financing railway networks. Politically, German Jews overwhelmingly aligned themselves with liberal parties, supporting emancipation and German unity. However, the 1873 stock market crash led to a widespread wave of anti-Semitism, in which Jews, who were visible in the financial sector, were singled out as scapegoats. Bismarck broke with the liberals, indirectly exploiting anti-Jewish sentiment.

Anti-Semitism in Germany became more virulent during these years. Pamphlets such as Wilhelm Marr's 'The Victory of Judaism over Germanism' (1879) were published, and the Christian social agitation of Adolf Stöcker labelled the free and socialist press as 'Jewish'. Heinrich von Treitschke, a professor of history at the University of Berlin, gave the movement academic respectability by arguing that Jews represented a 'misfortune' for Germany because of their 'alien consciousness'.

Trotsky's Youth and Ideological Conversion

Lev Davidovich Bronstein was born on 26 October 1879 (Old Style) in a Jewish farming village in the Pale of Settlement in the Kherson province. His childhood was marked by the loss of four of his eight siblings and was spent in a rural setting. He had an unhappy experience in a traditional Jewish school (kheder).

His intellectual education was shaped by the home environment of his cousin Schpentzer in Odessa, where he became familiar with the world of printing and publishing and developed proofreading as a hobby. At the age of eleven, he was expelled from St Paul's Realschule for inciting a protest against a teacher, revealing his "innate propensity for leadership and struggle" and his character, which was described as "arrogant" and lacking in "human kindness".

He transitioned to revolutionary activism in Nikolaev in 1896, joining a group of free thinkers. Initially averse to Marxism, calling it a 'doctrine for shopkeepers', he was introduced to it by his first wife, Alexandra Lvovna Sokolovskaya. His involvement in 'revolutionary propaganda' among workers led to his first arrest in January 1898.

Imprisonment and exile in Siberia (1900) were periods of intense intellectual development. In isolation, he perfected his linguistic skills, deepening his understanding of Marxist historical materialism by studying Antonio Labriola, and developed an ingenious system of communication with other prisoners. It was in prison that dialectics revealed itself to him as a 'living source'. During his exile, he became a prolific writer (under the pseudonym Antid Oto) and an active militant. His daring escape in 1902 accidentally provided him with the pseudonym 'Trotsky', inspired by a prison guard in Odessa. 

Lenin, Martov and the Struggle for Control of the RSDLP

Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov (Lenin) was deeply affected by the execution of his older brother in 1887. This event made him 'irreligious' and shaped his character, giving him 'fortitude and emotional control'. His 14-month imprisonment in St Petersburg was a period of 'intense reflection' that culminated in the writing of the scientific work „The Development of Capitalism in Russia“.

Another pillar of the movement, Yulii Martov, came from an acculturated and assimilationist Jewish family. Recognising the need for a 'mass party' that used Yiddish, he played a key role in founding the Bund, the general union of Jewish workers in Russia and Poland. However, his physical frailty and weak voice made him a less charismatic speaker than Trotsky.

The moment of greatest tension and rupture came at the Second Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party (RSDLP) in 1903. The split between the Bolsheviks (the majority, led by Lenin) and the Mensheviks (the minority, led by Martov) was triggered by Lenin's manipulation of the agenda and representation. In particular, he changed the definition of 'party member'. Lenin demanded that members contribute 'financially and through personal participation in one of the Party's organisations', aiming to exclude 'wavering and opportunistic' elements. Martov, on the other hand, advocated a more 'flexible' definition.

Initially, Trotsky sided with Martov, viewing Lenin's approach as an attempt to establish a 'dictatorship over the working class'. Crucially, the Bund was excluded from the Congress, a decision supported by Lenin, Martov and Trotsky, who believed that an autonomous Jewish organisation conflicted with Marxist internationalism. 

The Kishinev Pogrom and the Birth of the Protocols

In 1903, the Kishinev pogrom shocked the international community, marking the first large-scale anti-Jewish violence since 1882. Although the theory of a direct government conspiracy is questioned, the role of the reactionary press, particularly Pavel Krushevan, editor of

Bessarabets, whose 'inflammatory anti-Jewish diatribes' incited hatred, is emphasised.

Government hostility was fuelled by the 'over-representation' of Jews among political prisoners (over 30% between 1903 and 1905), as well as by the perception that Judaism was intrinsically linked to socialism. Minister Vyacheslav von Plehve 'spoke openly of his "war" against the Jews'. The memoirs of Prince Serge Urussov, governor of Bessarabia, suggest that the central government was morally responsible and that higher-ranking figures tacitly approved of anti-Jewish violence. 

Following the pogrom, Krushevan published the first abridged version of the infamous 'Protocols of the Elders of Zion' in St Petersburg. This document was destined to torment Judaism for decades, as it purported to reveal a 'Jewish conspiracy to conquer the world'. The international reaction was strong: American Jewish bankers, such as Jacob Schiff, refused to lend money to Russia and even financed the Japanese war effort. This was interpreted as evidence of treason and ties to the enemy (Japan), providing 'proof' for the narrative of the Protocols and establishing a vicious circle between conspiracy narratives and state violence.

The Protocols established a vicious circle between conspiracy narratives and state violence.

The Theory of Permanent Revolution

The Russo-Japanese War (1904), which Nicholas II had hoped would inspire patriotic sentiment, proved to be a disaster and sparked waves of anti-Jewish violence.

In this context of crisis, Alexander Parvus (born Israel Lazarevich Helfand), an influential Marxist publicist, emerged. In autumn 1904, Parvus theorised that the war would lead to a Russian revolution that would not stop at the bourgeois stage but would instead lead to a 'dictatorship of the proletariat' and trigger a world revolution, breaking openly with the Marxist orthodoxy of the time.

This bold vision formed the basis of the 'Theory of Permanent Revolution', which Trotsky embraced, albeit with some initial reticence. Meeting and collaborating with Parvus established Trotsky as a radical thinker ready to transform the 'conquest of power by the proletariat' from an 'astronomical "final" goal' into 'a practical task for our days'.

IV. The Crucible of Vienna and the Roots of War (1905–1914)

Following the 1905 Revolution, Lev Trotsky emerged as a central figure, developing his revolutionary doctrine in exile in Vienna. This period also shaped Adolf Hitler's reactionary ideology.

Trotsky, Hero of the Soviet (1905–1907)

The 1905 Revolution was triggered by 'Bloody Sunday', when imperial troops opened fire on workers led by Father Gapon. Trotsky was the first of the exiled revolutionaries to return to Russia, entering the vortex of conflict. In October, with Russia paralysed by a general strike, he attended the first sessions of the Petrograd Soviet. In his view, this body would enable him to seize power in 1917.

Having become the effective leader of the Soviet, Trotsky was the 'tribune of the masses'. From the balcony of St. Petersburg University, he dismissed the Duma granted by Nicholas II as a 'scrap of paper', and his 'Financial Manifesto' of 2 December urged Russians to withdraw their bank deposits to ruin the government — a bold move. The revolution ended in Witte's repression and the trial of the Soviet delegates. During this trial, Trotsky exposed the Tsar's complicity in organising the pogroms.

In contrast to Trotsky's activism, Lenin was criticised for being an 'armchair insurrectionist' in Geneva, primarily concerned with consolidating the residual position of the Bolsheviks and engaging in factional struggles. He arrived in Russia late, having not directly led the insurrection in Moscow, resulting in a 'political and military defeat'.

Trotsky in Vienna: Propagandist and Revolutionary (1907–1914)

After escaping Siberia (as recounted in his book Round Trip), Trotsky settled in Vienna in 1907, where he was hosted by Victor Adler, the leader of the Austrian Social Democratic Party (ASDP).

In Vienna, Trotsky founded Pravda, an innovative tabloid newspaper designed for 'ordinary workers', with the aim of instilling confidence and preaching party unity. The newspaper was popular but plagued by financial difficulties and received significant loans from the German Social Democrats, as well as funding from other foreign sources. This illustrates the extent to which the attack on the Tsarist regime was supported by foreign funding. During this period, Trotsky was almost alone in spreading his doctrine of 'permanent revolution', convinced of the intrinsic link between the Russian Revolution and a world revolution.

Adolf Hitler's Ideology in Vienna

At the same time that Trotsky was spreading revolutionary Marxism, Adolf Hitler was living in Vienna. His years in the city saw him develop radical anti-Semitic views. Initially professing vague 'human tolerance' towards Jews, he went from being a 'weak cosmopolitan' to a 'fanatical anti-Semite'. He read Adler's

Arbeiter-Zeitung, but he saw it as proof that social democracy was 'in Jewish hands'.

For Hitler, Marxism — a Jewish doctrine — denied the value of the individual and the nation. His belief that the press, art, and literature were dominated by 'impure products' of the 'Jewish race' became a pillar of his worldview.

One of the most complex historical facts surrounding Hitler is his relationship with Dr Eduard Bloch, the Jewish doctor who treated his mother, Klara, in Linz. Years later, Hitler personally intervened to allow Bloch and his family to escape the Holocaust — a contradictory and enigmatic element in his biography.

The Geopolitics of the Imminent War

The decade preceding the Great War was characterised by complex networks of alliances and diplomatic tensions, such as the Franco-Russian Alliance and the Austro-German Alliance.

Conspiratorial perceptions of Judaism also permeated high diplomacy. Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister Baron Alois Lexa von Aehrenthal feared 'Jewish omnipotence' in the press, considering it a 'toxic substance' that undermined the monarchical order. His diplomatic communications castigated the 'Jewish press' and attributed responsibility for revolutionary events such as Gapon's march and even Witte's appointment to a 'Jewish clique'. For Aehrenthal, the 'victory of the revolution' was the 'victory of the Jews', a mindset that foreshadowed 'gentlemanly anti-Semitism'.

This unintended convergence in Vienna was an ideological turning point. Trotsky consolidated his doctrine of global revolution, while Hitler determined that this same Marxist-internationalist doctrine was a manifestation of the Jewish 'race'. Trotsky's visibility, coupled with the influence of the Jewish press in Vienna, provided Hitler with the ideological impetus to merge anti-Marxism with racism, creating the justification for future global conflict.

Regarding the origins of the First World War, our analysis aligns with studies that reject simplistic theories (such as Barbara Tuchman's) and question Fritz Fischer's thesis that Germany was the main cause. We prefer the approach of Christopher Clark and Richard McMeekin, who view the war as resulting from a complex interplay of forces, national ambitions, and decisions made by 'sleepwalkers'. For example, they highlight that Russian mobilisation began a week before German mobilisation. 

V. From the Great War to the October Revolution (1914–October 1917)

The period of the Great War provided the context necessary for the realisation of the Permanent Revolution, a project financed by external parties and orchestrated by Trotsky through deception.

Foreign Funding and the Role of Parvus

Alexander Parvus (born Alexander Helphand) was a close associate of Trotsky's before becoming a 'Marxist capitalist' after escaping from Siberia. He amassed a fortune through international business, including grain and arms trade. 

In 1915, Parvus proposed a vast plan to the German Foreign Ministry to incite a revolution in Russia and received large sums of money in return. Eager to destabilise their eastern enemy, the Germans financed his activities. Although Lenin publicly refused to 'touch the cause of revolution with dirty hands' and despised Parvus, the financial and logistical channels opened up by the latter were, in essence, fundamental to the Bolshevik success, providing the necessary support for the anti-Tsarist enterprise. 

Trotsky and Hitler in Wartime

Trotsky was forced to leave Vienna due to the outbreak of conflict, passing through Switzerland and Paris before being expelled from France and Spain for his anti-war activism. He arrived in New York in January 1917. 

At the same time, Adolf Hitler's military experience is analysed. Although Nazi propaganda portrayed him as a 'war hero', some studies suggest that he spent most of his time as a regimental orderly behind the lines in relatively safe conditions, though not entirely free from danger. Other accounts describe him as a diligent soldier with 'ruthless courage' in dangerous situations. However, the overall analysis indicates that his military experience was formative for his future political career, even if he was not necessarily the fearless hero of the subsequent Nazi narrative.

The February Revolution and the Midsummer Crisis

The February Revolution of 1917 overthrew the Romanov dynasty, transforming Russia into a nation filled with hope for freedom and democracy as it awaited a Constituent Assembly. 1

Trotsky returned to Petrograd in May, a month after Lenin, and noted with satisfaction that Lenin had now fully embraced the thesis of Permanent Revolution. He merged his group, the heterogeneous but talented Mezhraiontsy, with the Bolsheviks under the slogan 'All power to the Soviets'. 

The 'July Days' marked a decisive crisis. Bolshevik agitators incited an armed uprising. In stark contrast to Lenin, who went into hiding for four months fearing arrest on charges of accepting 'German gold', Trotsky urged the authorities to arrest him too. Lenin's flight and the allegations of foreign funding cast a shadow over his image and the party's reputation.

The 'Kornilov Affair', in which General Lavr Kornilov was suspected of plotting a counter-revolution, forced Kerensky to call on all revolutionary forces for help, including the Bolsheviks. This gave the Bolsheviks renewed legitimacy and the chance to return to the political arena and gain influence among workers and soldiers. 

Trotsky, Architect of the Coup

After his release from prison on 2 September, Trotsky's influence grew rapidly. By 25 September, he had become chairman of the Petrograd Soviet, thereby gaining control of a pivotal institution. 

Although Lenin pushed for an immediate armed insurrection from his hiding place (temporarily abandoning the slogan 'All power to the Soviets'), Trotsky insisted on linking the action closely to the Second Congress of Soviets, scheduled for 25 October. His strategy aimed to give the uprising democratic legitimacy, which a simple party coup would not have had. This would ensure the crucial support of the soldiers, who trusted the Soviet. 

Trotsky used the Military Revolutionary Committee (MRC), which had been established by the Soviet, to cover the coup, presenting it as a 'defensive' force. The merger with the Mezhraiontsy was crucial in providing the talented personnel needed.

Manipulating the Kronstadt sailors, who were deeply devoted to the Soviets (like the Maximumist SRs, whose programme was almost identical to Trotsky's), was a crucial tactical element. The Kronstadters, who served as the private army for the coup, trusted the Soviet more than the Bolshevik Party. 

The execution of the coup (24–25 October)

The action was triggered by a tactical error on the part of the Provisional Government: Kerensky's order to close the Bolshevik printing presses at 05:30 on 24 October. Trotsky's response was immediate and decisive. By 11:00 a.m., the printing presses had been reopened by a military force loyal to the CRM. 

The first offensive moves, defined as 'non-defensive aggression', began at around 9 p.m. on 24 October with the occupation of the St. Petersburg Telegraph Agency and the Baltic Station. By midnight, the RSFSR controlled eight of the twenty identified garrison units.

Six miles from Smolny, Lenin displayed 'physical cowardice' and relied on intermediaries, insisting on going to Smolny but being kept at a distance. The contrast between Trotsky's activism and Lenin's isolation was striking.

On 25 October, Trotsky publicly announced the fall of the Provisional Government on behalf of the CRM, presenting the Congress of Soviets with a fait accompli. When Trotsky met Lenin at Smolny that evening and informed him that he had disseminated reassuring information to the press as a stratagem to initiate the general attack, Lenin rejoiced at deceiving the enemy. Only then did he reconcile himself to the decision to take power not through a purely secret conspiracy, but through the legitimacy of the Soviets.

Historiographical analysis concludes that Trotsky was the architect of the October coup: a 'consummate putschist' whose brilliant oratory and subtle strategy of deception succeeded in overthrowing the government and ushering in a regime much more repressive than the Tsarist one. 

VI. The Red Terror and the Nationalist Counter-Reaction (1917–1923)

The consolidation of Bolshevik power led to brutal tyranny and triggered an ideological reaction in Central Europe that would lay the foundations for the rise of Nazism.

The Consolidation of Bolshevik Tyranny

The Bolshevik regime took the form of a 'worse restoration'. In its early years, the Cheka (the political police) caused at least ten times as many political deaths as the Tsarist Okhrana did during Nicholas II's twenty-three-year reign, indicating an unprecedented level of repression. 

Trotsky immediately took control of the justice system, exercising this power brutally. He orchestrated the show trial and execution of Captain Aleksei Shchastny, a popular hero who had saved the Baltic Fleet, falsely accusing him of sabotage. This marked the beginning of public trials as the primary instrument of Bolshevik terror. Following an assassination attempt on Lenin, the 'Red Terror' was openly declared against Russian citizens.

Trotsky's ruthlessness was evident again in his suppression of the Kronstadt sailors' revolt in 1921. Betraying their previous loyalty, he ordered Cheka machine-gun detachments to suppress his former allies with extreme brutality, executing every fifth soldier who disobeyed orders. 

Brest-Litovsk and the Perceived Jewish Influence

Trotsky mishandled the peace negotiations with the Central Powers in Brest-Litovsk, irritating the German aristocracy with his arrogance and delaying tactics. The fact that he was Jewish and had sent a substitute to sign the treaty further exacerbated relations.

The Bolshevik regime actively attempted to spread the revolution throughout Europe. Trotsky exploited the Russian embassy in Berlin by choosing Adolf Ioffe (who was Jewish) as ambassador in order to 'spread communist propaganda in a blatant manner' in Germany. The conspicuous presence of Jews in the Bolshevik leadership, combined with the high number of Jews among senior Cheka officials (11% of senior leaders in 1922), helped to consolidate the association of 'Jews with the Red Terror' in the opinion of the world's public. 

The Emergence of 'Jewish Bolshevism' and the Nationalist Reaction

Fear of communism and the association between Judaism and revolutionary violence were reinforced by events in Central Europe. After the Great War:

1. In Bavaria, a Jewish member of the USPD, Kurt Eisner, took control of the government.

2. The 'Spartacist Revolt' in Berlin, supported by the Bolsheviks, was largely led by Jews.

3. Hungary fell to a Moscow-led revolution led by a Jew, Béla Kun.

These events provided "external validation" for the conspiracy theory. After returning to Munich, Adolf Hitler, a war veteran, witnessed two further coups led by Russian Jews. This experience prompted him to join anti-Bolshevik right-wing movements.

Dietrich Eckart and Alfred Rosenberg, key figures in Munich's nascent right-wing politics, explicitly labelled Bolshevism as 'Jewish'. Hitler adopted anti-Bolshevism as a central pillar of Nazi ideology, equating communism with 'World Jewry'. His oratory skills made him an effective propagandist for returning prisoners of war and he publicly denounced the

Protocols of the Elders of Zion attracted thousands of people.

The ruthlessness of the Bolshevik regime, combined with the ethnic visibility of its leaders, unwittingly provided an external justification for Hitler's rise and Nazi ideology: the 'Jewish-Bolshevik conspiracy'. The overrepresentation of Jews in the revolutionary movement, born out of a quest for universalism and emancipation, became the catalyst for the ideology that sought their elimination.

The Struggle for Power and the Failure of 1923

Lenin's declining health led to an internal succession struggle, with his final 'Testament' favouring Trotsky over Stalin. However, Trotsky's arrogance and lack of tact, as well as the perception of his 'Jewishness' as a political impediment, contributed to his isolation within the party's highest circles, enabling Stalin to consolidate power.

In 1923, Europe was in turmoil due to the occupation of the Ruhr and German hyperinflation. Trotsky saw this crisis as a new revolutionary opportunity and pushed for a coup by the German Communist Party (KPD) on the sixth anniversary of the Bolshevik coup. The failure of this putsch, which coincided with Hitler's failed Beer Hall Putsch, marked the decline of Trotsky's influence in Soviet and world affairs.

VII. Exile, Intellectual Resilience and the Shadow of Stalin (1923–1940)

The story of Lev Trotsky from 1923 to 1940 is one of relentless exile and Stalinist persecution, which tested his intellectual clarity and unwavering will.

The Beginning of the Ordeal and Life in Prinkipo

Trotsky's ordeal began with his exile to Alma-Ata in Kazakhstan in January 1928, where he lived with his second wife, Natalia Sedova, and his eldest son, Lev. His subsequent exile to Turkey in February 1929 was a strategic move by Stalin, who hoped to isolate Trotsky and destroy his credibility.

On the Turkish island of Prinkipo, Trotsky lived as a guest-prisoner, maintaining a strict routine and devoting himself to intense intellectual activity. He dictated key works such as

My Life and The History of the Russian Revolution, demonstrating his extraordinary oratory talent even through dictation. His political correspondence was extensive and addressed to numerous fragmented Trotskyist groups in approximately thirty countries. 

Prophecies and the Birth of the Fourth International

The Prinkipo years were marked by growing concern about the situation in Germany and the rise of Adolf Hitler. Trotsky criticised the German Communist Party (KPD) for labelling socialists as 'social fascists' instead of uniting against Nazism. Considered the most brilliant of his exile, his analyses denounced the senseless policy of the KPD, tragically foreshadowing the danger of a war unleashed by fascist Germany.

Convinced that the Third International had degenerated beyond repair under Stalin's leadership, Trotsky began formulating the idea of a Fourth International to preserve the ideals of revolutionary socialism.

His life was constantly threatened by Stalinist GPU agents infiltrating the Trotskyist opposition, exploiting Trotsky's sometimes naïve trust in his collaborators to sabotage them from within. 

The Stalinist Campaign and Honour in Mexico

In 1935, following Soviet diplomatic pressure, the Norwegian government granted Trotsky a temporary visa. However, the opening of the first Moscow show trials in August 1936, in which Zinoviev, Kamenev and others were accused of conspiring with Trotsky, triggered a fierce campaign of pressure on Oslo. Trotsky was imprisoned and denied visits and the right to defend himself in court. This period of great anguish was also one of extraordinary productivity, culminating in the writing of The Revolution Betrayed, a scathing critique of Stalinist bureaucracy. 

In January 1937, Mexico offered Trotsky asylum, thanks to the efforts of the muralist Diego Rivera. In the 'Blue House' in Coyoacán, Trotsky devoted himself to exposing the lies of the Moscow trials. He collaborated with the Commission of Inquiry, chaired by the American philosopher John Dewey. Ultimately, the Commission revealed Trotsky's innocence and the falsity of the Stalinist accusations.

Trotsky's personal martyrdom intensified with the suspicious death of his son Liova in Paris in February 1938, probably at the hands of the GPU — a devastating blow to the opposition. 

The Final Assassination

His life in exile was an act of resistance against tyranny. Despite the tragedies and isolation, Trotsky continued to criticise the regime, but the threat to his life became increasingly real.

The first attempt, led by the Stalinist painter David Alfaro Siqueiros in May 1940, miraculously failed. This inadvertently favoured the NKVD's second plan: Ramón Mercader, an agent who had gained the trust of Trotsky's family, was tasked with carrying out the assassination.

On 20 August 1940, Mercader struck Trotsky with an ice pick. Lev Trotsky died the following day. His death, orchestrated by Stalin, marked the end of one of the most significant figures of the 20th century. The ruthless persecution and murder of Trotsky had the unintended effect of solidifying his posthumous intellectual integrity. His isolation enabled him to deliver the most incisive critique of Stalinist totalitarianism, transforming his political failure into a lasting doctrinal triumph and bequeathing an 'invaluable legacy' to revolutionary socialism.

VIII. Conclusions: The Unquenchable Legacy and Contemporary Relevance

The overall historiographical analysis outlines a complex causal picture in which the 'Jewish question' was never marginal, but rather an intertwining force with the great political and economic currents that shaped the 20th century.

Trotsky's Redefined Role and Unintended Causality

The study confirms Trotsky's role as the intellectual and operational architect of the October 1917 coup. He was a consummate putschist and charismatic orator, and his leadership was decisive in surpassing Lenin's direct influence at that crucial moment.

However, the report reveals that his identity and political visibility had an unintended historical consequence. The over-representation of Jews in revolutionary movements (born out of the quest for emancipatory universalism) was inversely proportional to the acceleration of racial anti-Semitism (the conspiratorial reaction).

The convergence of Trotsky's radical activities and the Jewish press in Vienna, combined with subsequent Bolshevik propaganda in Europe, provided Adolf Hitler with the ideological basis to equate communism with 'World Jewry'. Trotsky's ruthlessness, as demonstrated in the executions of Shchastny and at Kronstadt, combined with his ethnic visibility, became the catalyst for this ideology. It provided justification for the extreme right in Germany and cemented the central pillar of National Socialism.

Summary of Revolutionary and Counter-Revolutionary Dynamics

Trotsky's story is a striking example of how international Marxism (as embodied by him) was defeated by National Socialism (Stalin and Hitler). While Stalin exploited Trotsky's isolation to consolidate 'socialism in one country', Hitler used Trotsky's internationalism as evidence of a global existential threat. Trotsky's struggle in exile for the Fourth International and his criticism of Stalinist totalitarianism ultimately cemented his status as an intellectual martyr.

The analysis outlines the sequence of events and perceptions that shaped the fates of the central figures of the 20th century.

Chronology and Interconnections (1905–1940): 

· 1905–1907: Trotsky emerges as leader of the Petrograd Soviet (Financial Manifesto). Pogroms fuelled by the reactionary press (Krushevan); dissemination of the Protocols.

· 1907–1914: Exile in Vienna; founding of Pravda; promotion of Permanent Revolution. Hitler in Vienna: develops radical anti-Semitism and identifies Marxism as Jewish.

· 1914–1917: Parvus channels German financing. Trotsky organises the October Coup (CRM) against Lenin's will. There is a debate on Hitler's heroism in the war. The Kornilov crisis legitimised the Bolsheviks.

· 1917–1923: Trotsky initiates the Red Terror (Shchastny, Kronstadt). Ioffe is in Berlin. Jewish-led revolutions in Bavaria and Hungary. In Munich, Hitler adopts the equation 'Jewish Bolshevism' as his central ideology. The 1923 putsches fail.

· 1928–1940: Exile to Alma Ata, Turkey, Norway and Mexico. The Revolution Betrayed. Foundation of the Fourth International. Stalin consolidates his power and uses the Moscow Trials to isolate Trotsky. Assault by Siqueiros; Mercader is murdered.

Contemporary implications

The ultimate goal of the work is to provide an in-depth understanding of today's dynamics through a critical historical lens. The dynamics of the perception of 'dual loyalty' (Dual loyalty – dual agenda) and the influence of finance are central themes of the work and have been so since the 18th century. They continue to shape contemporary debate. Historical analysis extending to current issues suggests the importance of analysing the 'US–Israel parallels' and the role of AIPAC. This indicates that patterns of perception and reaction to political and economic influences remain relevant in the global landscape.